Author: Otto Kirchheimer
Publisher: Princeton University Press
How have regimes used the agencies of criminal justice for their own purposes? What characterizes the linkage of politics and justice? Drawing on a wealth of foreign and domestic source material, Otto Kirchheimer examines systematically the structure of state protection, the nature of a strictly "political" trial, including the trial by fiat of the successor regime, and the forms of legal repression that states have used against political organizations. He analyzes the Nuremberg trials, the Communist purge trials, and a number of Smith Act trials. In two highly original chapters he also explores the political and judicial nature of asylum and clemency. This study of the uneasy balance between abstract justice and political expediency is a contribution to constitutional and criminal law, political science, and social psychology. Originally published in 1961. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
The Dreyfus Affair of the 1890s and the violent controversies that surrounded it appeared to pass two very different judgments on the France of the Third Republic. The outcome o the trial -- Captain Dreyfus convicted without guilt and the real traitor acquitted despite guilt -- demonstrated without question the extraordinary hypocrisy of the military justice system. But the furor raised by Dreyfus' conviction and the agitation for his release suggested that the injustice of the courts' verdict was uncharacteristic of French society; that for France as a nation the rendering of justice was paramount, even at the expense of disgracing both the military and a conspiring government. In The Hypocrisy of Justice in the Belle Epoque, Benjamin Martin examines the events of three sensational criminal cases to reveal that the willful mangling of justice that occurred in the Dreyfus trial was far from rare in the Third Republic France. He finds, in fact, that justice in the Belle Epoque was "hypocritical in the extreme," with the outcome of trials easily tainted by the power and influence of politics, money, and illicit sex. At times, justice deviated so far from the ideal that its goal was not the strict application of the law or even the discovery of the truth, but rather the imposition of a system of rewards and punishments meted out in accordance with a capricious vision of social utility. Martin begins with the case of Marguerite Steinheil, the wife of an artist of only middling talent. A strikingly beautiful woman, she presided over a famous salon and was the lover of influential politicians. When she was tried for the brutal murders of her husband and her mother, Marguerite defended herself with a flurry of extravagant stories and unlikely counter-accusations. Even so, she was found innocent of all charges, and the crimes were left unsolved. The second trial considered is that of Thérèse Humbert, a young woman who used an apparently innate talent for elaborate deception in rising from poverty to the upper reaches of Parisian society. With the aid of her husband and her brothers, Thérèse created a series of specious lawsuits over an illusory American legacy. Then, playing on the greed of dozens of investors, she skillfully manipulated the French courts to perpetrate a fraud that would last for twenty years, yield millions, and make her salon one of the most dazzling in Europe until the day when the ruse was finally found out. The third case is that of Henriette Caillaux, the wife of an important leader in the Radical party. She admitted shooting Gaston Calmette, the influential newspaper editor who had been carrying out a campaign of vilification against her husband. But when she was tried for the murder in 1914, Henriette was found innocent and allowed to go free. The sensational trials of Marguerit Steinheil, Thérèse Humbert, and Henriette Caillaux mirrored in many the stalemate society of the Belle Epoque itself. By examining the hypocrisy of justice in the Third Republic, Benjamin Martin uncovers the vast extent of that society's corruption, the amorality and sordidness that were cloaked only partially by the mantle of respectability.
Author: James D. Le Sueur
Publisher: University of Pennsylvania Press
Uncivil War is a provocative study of the intellectuals who confronted the loss of France's most prized overseas possession, colonial Algeria. Tracing the intellectual history of one of the most violent wars of European decolonization, James D. Le Sueur illustrates how such key figures as Albert Camus, Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Germaine Tillion, Jacques Soustelle, Raymond Aron, Claude Levi-Strauss, Albert Memmi, Frantz Fanon, Mouloud Feraoun, Jean Amrouche, and Pierre Bourdieu agonized over the "Algerian question." As Le Sueur argues, these and other individuals forged new notions of the nation and nationalism, giving rise to a politics of identity that continues to influence debate around the world. Indeed, the French-Algerian War occupies a seminal place in colonial and contemporary history. How did these varied intellectuals—many of whom had been influential in either shaping or critiquing the ideology of colonial enterprise—reconstruct French national identity during decolonization? How was Algerian national identity also reconceptualized, in both intellectual and political circles, French and Algerian, on both right and left? How was the colonial notion of French universalism debated and, by many, invalidated? What has the politically charged concept of "the Other" to do with Algeria's decolonization? Le Sueur turns to a wide array of public archives, previously unstudied private collections, interviews, and published works to examine the dynamism of these inquiries. He investigates Franco-Muslim relations from reconciliation to rupture, a transition resulting from the rise of anticolonialism, political radicalism, military extremism, and Algerian nationalism, as well as the looming threat of civil war in France. As Le Sueur reveals, it was incumbent upon the intellectuals of the day to respond to these crises in the public arena. Whether to celebrate decolonization or decry it as a turning point in French and North African history, intellectuals engaged fully in identity debates and, in so doing, attended to a variety of political, social, moral, and even their own professional concerns. An interdisciplinary work of the first order, Uncivil War combines anthropology, history, critical theory, and postcolonial studies in an intimate look at a pivotal and highly contested moment in modern history.
The twentieth century has witnessed an unprecedented explosion of violent murder that has affected levels of society throughout the world and transformed what was once a distant threat into a constant reality, lurking around the corner, living down the block making everyone vulnerable to the unthinkable. World Encyclopedia of 20th Century Murder, an alphabetical excursion through the most celebrated and historically important murder cases in this century, seeks to explain the reasons behind these shocking and celebrated killings. More than just a staggering chronicle of chilling events, this remarkable book by Edgar Award-winning author Jay Nash, is the definitive reference to modern worldwide murder. The over one thousand entries and over four hundred illustrations found in this volume represent all manner of slayers and all types of homicides, with varying degrees of motivation and a grim diversity of methods. From the lone, sensational jealousy murders by Walter A. Kurtz and Jean Harris to the perverse slayings by British sex murderer John Christie, serial killer Ted Bundy, and fanatical religious mass murderer Jim Jones in Guyana, each case represents a unique and fascinating story. For each entry, an in-depth portrait of the killer is provided, including their childhood history, work and marital experience, and social history. The entries then graphically follow each case from the flowering of the killer's motivation, the circumstances of the actual murders, the drama of the police investigation and trial, to the nature of the inevitable incarceration or execution. The cases select for this work encompass the most important and sensational murders of our time. By dint of sheer numbers, all mass murderers and serial killers of note have been included—Albert DeSalvo (the so-called Boston Strangler), John Wayne Gacy, Juan Corona, and the dangerously prolific Henry Lucas, among others. Scores of renowned and spectacularly horrific cases are offered, such as misogynistic murderer Coral Eugene Watts, who killed forty women simply because he felt that women were evil; the cannibal killers Albert Fish, Ed Gein, and Fritz Haarmann; Belle Guiness of Indiana, who advertised in lonely hearts columns for suitors and then murdered them by the dozens; Jack Henry Abbott, a jailed murderer whose literary talents brought him to freedom, acclaim, and then more murder in New York City; and Harry Thaw, the arrogant and demented millionaire who shot a man dead in front of hundreds of spectators. Also included are cases of teenagers and even children who murdered with motives as petty as losing a game or suffering a verbal insult. In addition to being a vital and informative historical and sociological reference work, World Encyclopedia of 20th Century Murder will provide gripping reading for anyone interested in true crime, law, law enforcement, and penology. More than that, it provides insight into a social problem that has spread to almost epidemic proportions around the world. Rather than viewing these men and women as strangers from distant lands and social pariahs, this book presents them as the real and present danger they are.
This book illustrates the reciprocal relationship between Finnish culture and Finnish policing. Cultural values, socio-economic and political backgrounds are used as the foundation to explain how the police work in Finland. Unlike many nations, the Finns consistently rank their police force as the most trustworthy among all the public institutions. In turn, the police benefit from a progressive culture in which tolerance, justice, and equality are highly practised values.
This study about France, a unique laboratory for Public Management of Society (PMS) for about 20 centuries, offers information to supplement Anglo-American literature. The Fifth Republic, some fields of public policy-making, international relations and the European Union are handled.
Si les politiques ne semblent aujourd'hui plus avoir droit à l'erreur, pour Hubert Haenel - qui a le marketing politique et d'autres artifices de communication en horreur - la fonction politique a toujours été synonyme de responsabilité, de respect de la parole donnée et de proximité avec les électeurs. Maire pendant vingt-quatre ans, il n'a pas hésité à mettre fin à ses fonctions pour ne pas " devenir un allumeur de réverbères " et perdre le sens de son engagement. Sénateur depuis 1986, il s'est immédiatement attaché à suivre les dossiers touchant directement la vie quotidienne des Français (l'insécurité, les transports, la justice et ses dysfonctionnements), tirant avant d'autres la sonnette d'alarme et faisant des propositions de bon sens, aujourd'hui en passe d'être appliquées pour certaines. Dans ce livre, qui tient autant de l'autobiographie que du traité politique, Hubert Haenel raconte son enfance mosellane, son amour pour l'Alsace et son retour dans la " patrie mythique " ; il évoque sa carrière de haut fonctionnaire et les débuts de son " sacerdoce politique " ; sans démagogie, il invite le lecteur à le suivre dans ses engagements (pour l'Alsace ou sa mairie de Lapoutroie) et ses combats (pour la régionalisation du transport ferroviaire ou la justice de proximité, par exemple), tout en lui faisant partager sa foi chrétienne et ses espérances européennes.